After 1932, Irish democracy was maintained and consolidated at a time that democracy was weakening in most of the world. With the elimination of Cumann na nGaedheal’s artificial Dáil majority, the party could no longer afford its previously haphazard electioneering. This led to the party often being considered by its leaders as an afterthought and an irritant, full of job-seekers and whiners who failed to appreciate necessarily difficult post-revolutionary compromises. As it stands, the book seems at times to be an amalgam of a thesis-driven work on electioneering and an encyclopedic (and far less detailed) compendium of other government activities, a factor which leads to some awkward transitions and jumps. The Army Mutiny certainly did not end with his mediation, as people on both sides of the dispute ended up angrily resigning. The first thing that W.T. Just fill in your details. The party fought vigorous campaigns in 1932 and 1933, culminating in the 1933 deployment of a traveling talking film of Cosgrave to smaller towns where the ex-President could not himself visit. Cumann na nGaedhael was set up and led by Cosgrave and O Higgins. At a meeting in Dublin in October 1902, Cumann na nGaedheal formally adopted Griffith’s policy of “Sinn Féin,” which included passive resistance to the British, withholding of taxes, and the establishment of an Irish ruling council and independent…. Led by W.T. For example, Cumann na nGaedheal was the first Irish party to hire an advertising agency to produce election propaganda. The Cumann na nGael government also helped to consolidate democracy by asserting their independence over British rule. Meehan’s contention that little has been done on Cumann na nGaedheal appears to rest on a statement from a Fine Gael Senator in 2003. Often, this intimidates students and makes it difficult to know where to start when it comes to revision. Having first been government ministers, these men failed to transform themselves into party leaders. Cosgrave apparently made a number of key decisions alone, including his savvy decision to call a snap election in September 1927. While there are some structural and argumentative issues that handicap the book a bit, and the book may have benefited by focusing more narrowly on elections, these concerns should not detract from the many significant contributions this book makes to the field. Meehan also admits that most Cumann na nGaedheal leaders came from Sinn Féin, but there is no real explanation given for their transformation into ‘moderates’ once they achieved power. She also frequently reminds readers that Cumann na nGaedheal lost most of its former voters to other Treatyite parties, rather than to Fianna Fáil. Meehan also devotes a significant amount of space to what she terms the party’s ‘identity-building and image projection’ (p. 44). Cumann na nGaedheal, 1922-32 Fianna Fáil, 1932-39 Case Study: The Eucharistic Congress, 1932 Ireland During World War II and After, 1939-49 Northern Ireland: The Unionists in … It is possible however, by examining past papers, […] It seems as if Meehan’s interest was really in Cumann na nGaedheal electioneering, and concentrating on the party’s election strategies would have made for a more tightly-focused and clearly-argued book. The second Cumann na nGaedheal did not come into existence until more than a year later, on 27 April 1923 when the pro-Treaty TDs recognised the need for a party organisation to win elections. This party set up a 26-county parliament assembling in Leinster House, with an oath of loyalty to the king of England a requirement of entry, and formed a government. The early history of Sinn Féin is closely associated with Arthur Griffith, leader of Cumann na nGaedheal (“Party of the Irish”). This led to a number of instances in which party leaders recklessly pursued unpopular policies perceived to be in the nation’s best interest. In sum, this is a great addition to the literature on the 1920s. In the first decade, Irish democracy survived against the odds because Cumann Na nGaedheal successfully met the challenges that the new state faced (sometimes extremely ruthlessly). Meehan refers to John Regan’s The Irish Counter-Revolution as ‘the only existing study,’ but other than a perfunctory dismissal of Regan’s book as having ‘a narrow focus on Cumann na nGaedheal’s role in consolidating the Irish revolution’, there is not much substantial discussion of existing works (p. xv). The party did move to the ‘right’ after 1927, although Meehan is not exactly clear what she means by this designation, at times equating this with the loss of the ‘Irish-Ireland’ faction from Cumann na nGaedheal, and at times referring to the incorporation of former Unionists and wealthy businessmen. Eoin O’Dully inspects some Blueshirts, 1933. “I think of our own Government in 1932, when [Cumann na nGaedheal] were in power and the seamless transition from Fianna Fáil, which people … Other than a story about the Oath told in later life by Ernest Blythe – that Cosgrave initially feigned refusal to take the Oath so as to make inroads with those in the party hostile to the Oath, and convince them to enter the Dáil – there is not much direct evidence of Cosgrave’s mediating any particular disputes. Meehan starts from the premise that Cumann na nGaedheal has yet to receive its just due from historians, who have ‘largely neglected’ the party (p. xi), or focused excessively on its failures and decline. From Cumann na nGaedheal to Fine Gael . Cumann na nGaedheal had to face a number of issues. He appears to have been a stern supporter of law and order, at least in the Dáil, but there were reports that he privately opposed some of the 1922 executions. For a time the British government clung to the illusion that if they took a resolute line against de Valera's demands for changes in the Anglo–Irish settlement, he would soon lose office and Cumann na nGaedheal … Cumann na nGaedheal was the name of the antecedent nationalist umbrella organisation to Sinn Féin formed in 1900 (see Cumann na nGaedheal (1900)). What steps did Irish Governments take to consolidate democracy, 1923-1945 (When Cumann na nGael came to power in 1923, they quickly set about consolidating democracy in Ireland. This party set up a 26-county parliament assembling in Leinster House, with an oath of loyalty to the king of England a requirement of entry, and formed a government. Mergers with the Farmers’ Party repeatedly failed, as did the initial outreach to the National League and talks of cooperation with the Labour Party in the wake of O’Higgins’ murder. ( Log Out /  What steps did Irish governments take to consolidate democracy, 1923-1945? Introduction The pro-treaty elements in Sinn Féin broke away and formed a political party: Cumann na nGaedheal. Other than two sudden forays into quantitative analysis – which might best have been left for a separate article, as they added little to the qualitative analysis – Meehan’s work on Cumann na nGaedheal’s electioneering is very impressive, and undermines the standard view that the party was wasting away by the late 1920s. The problem with this characterization – and Meehan is certainly not its first proponent – is that it lacks much evidence. In the general election in June 1927, Cumann na Gaedheal performed very poorly, winning just 47 seats with 27% of the vote, and was able to survive in office only because of Fianna Fáil's continued refusal to take up its 44 seats due to the party's rejection of the Oath of Allegiance to the Free State. First and foremost, Meehan’s focus on Cumann na nGaedheal electioneering is original and path-breaking. ( Log Out /  A long discussion on finance is interjected in the midst of a section on ‘social and moral consciousness’. Labour were the main casualties of the Fianna Fáil electoral advance, declining from 22 seats in June 1927 to just 7 seats in 1932. For example, the Army Mutiny of 1924 – which Meehan oddly refers to as a ‘relatively minor’ split – is given less space than the defection of J. J. Walsh in 1927, and slightly more space than the creation of a Dublin radio station. #625Lab – History, marked 72/100, detailed feedback at the very bottom.You may also like: Leaving Cert History Guide (€). The ‘distance between the grass roots and the TDs’ played a role in weakening the party organization, a development which had a ‘lasting impact’ (p. 14). An analysis of elections reveals the party’s ‘professional side’, and its combativeness. There also is a well-done section analyzing Cosgrave’s 1928 trip to North America. Cumann na nGaedheal Cumann na nGaedheal fought the general election on its record of providing ten years of stable government. Labour were the main casualties of the Fianna Fáil electoral advance, declining from 22 seats in June 1927 to just 7 seats in 1932. Cumann na nGaedheal also played the "red card" tactic, describing Fianna Fáil as communists and likening Éamon de Valera to Joseph Stalin. … From 1922-1928 this position These parties and independents coalesced around a core of Cumann na nGaedheal members and formed a new political part , Fine Gael. The problem is that this criterion is not applied consistently, as the party and the state are confused, or at least conflated, throughout the book. A month earlier he had been welcomed as Ireland’s first spokesman at the assembly of the League of Nations. Tom Garvin’s 1922: The Birth of Irish Democracy, to give just one example, is not discussed at all. Finally, Meehan’s work takes Cosgrave seriously as a political actor, something that many other books on the period have failed to do, as they have often depicted Cosgrave as a cipher who ceded initiative to stronger colleagues. The Irish Labour Party, which then as now couldn’t… Other articles where Cumann na nGaedheal is discussed: William Thomas Cosgrave: …helped found the political party Cumann na nGaedheal (“Party of the Irish”) in April 1923 and became its leader—represented Ireland at the Imperial Conference in October 1923. The most important of these was the consolidation of democracy and establishing the state on a solid footing. Meehan devotes six pages to an analysis of Cosgrave’s leadership style (pp. The exhibition shows a series of Cumann na nGaedheal posters and fliers mainly taken from the 1932 general election. Change ). Introduction The pro-treaty elements in Sinn Féin broke away and formed a political party: Cumann na nGaedheal. They were tasked with setting up a new defence force, civil service and justice system as well as having to deal with the Cumann na nGaedheal had to face a number of issues. John A Murphy reflects on the 80th anniversary of the founding of Cumann na nGaedheal. The second Cumann na nGaedheal did not come into existence until more than a year later, on 27 April 1923 when the pro-Treaty TDs recognised the need for a party organisation to win elections. Cumann na nGaedheal had to face a number of issues. Cumann na nGaedheal was the name of the antecedent nationalist umbrella organisation to Sinn Féin formed in 1900 (see Cumann na nGaedheal (1900)). The narrative proceeds logically and each chapter discusses a key flashpoint in the consolidation of the Irish democracy: the events leading up to and following the signing of the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty, Cumann na nGaedheal’s early achievements in government between 1923-6, the 1927 elections, the last years of Cumann na nGaedheal in government between 1927-32 and the impact of the Great Depression, the 1932 election, and the challenges to democracy in … Cumann na nGaedheal declined from 38.6 per cent to 35.2 per cent and it lost eight seats. At times, Meehan asserts that the book is about the party, not the state, which is her ostensible reason for passing lightly over the Mutiny, as she did not want to discuss ‘the internal workings of a military dispute’, but rather only the ‘political implications for Cumann na nGaedheal’ (p. 39). Meehan lauds the party for continuing an Irish tradition of ‘moderate nationalism’ (p. xi) – which later in the book is rendered ‘constitutional nationalism’ (p. 91) – through its commitment to solving problems through legislative change, rather than physical struggle. The author accepts this review and does not wish to comment further. Read More. The most important of these was the consolidation of democracy in the new state. In addition, there is a significant body of scholarship – primarily by John Regan – that queries the limits of Cumann na nGaedheal’s constitutionalism, and other scholarship that delineates significant continuities between Cumann na nGaedheal and the revolutionary period. Fianna Fáil would be the largest party in Dáil Éireann at every general election until 2011. The second Cumann na nGaedheal did not come into existence until more than a year later, on 27 April 1923 when the pro-Treaty TDs recognised the need for a party organisation to win elections. However, the book also suffers from some shortcomings, none of which detract fatally from its overall merit. It may have been a bittersweet moment for Cumann na nGaedheal; it was in power since 1922 but recognised that a real, democratic mandate had … What Cosgrave himself thought was a desired, or at least acceptable, outcome of the Army crisis is not clear, nor is his position on free trade, the most divisive issue within the party in its last years. While admitting the potential inherent in O’Higgins, Meehan denies that his 1927 assassination sent the party into a fatal tailspin, claiming instead that the assassination, and the subsequent entrance of Fianna Fáil into the Dáil, actually galvanized Cumann na nGaedheal. Cumann na nGaedheal regained most of the ground lost in June, winning 62 seats and 39% of the vote, although most of these gains were from potential allies. In these sections, she details the strong international push for full Irish sovereignty, pursued at the League of Nations and through bilateral and inter-Commonwealth initiatives. Cumann na nGaedhael. Journal DOI: 10.14296/RiH/issn.1749.8155 | Cookies | Privacy | Contact Us. Meehan asserts that free-trader J. J. Walsh probably opposed Cosgrave on tariff policy, citing Liam de Roiste’s diary, but there is little direct evidence of Cosgrave’s personal views on economic policy. History Matters 365 - Coggle: Cumann na nGaedheal in power The transition to power was regarded as a major test of democracy in Ireland – would Cumann na nGaedheal hand over power to their enemies of the civil war? Cumann na nGaedhael Cosgrave was quiet Their real … As one example, it is not immediately clear how the creation of the radio station affected the party, as opposed to the state. As a result, Cosgrave retained the respect of his Cabinet colleagues and of the party at large, with even Kevin O’Higgins apparently disavowing any ambition toward party leadership. The electoral innovations continued, as Cumann na nGaedheal was the first party to use an airplane, dropping party leaflets over North Dublin during a 1929 by-election. Similarly, her statement that most historians have seen Cumann na nGaedheal as disappointing and declining by the late 1920s only references John Murphy’s 1975 textbook. This blog will go live during summer 2012. once completed, it will provide full sample leaving cert History standard essays, for free. As Meehan notes, ‘when the party’s position was threatened, it would respond to the challenge’ (p. 82). EIGHTY years ago today, Cumann na nGaedheal (CnaG) had its inaugural public convention in the Mansion House. The assassination of its controversial Minister Kevin O'Higgins by Republicans shortly after the election came as a bitter blow to the party. John A Murphy reflects on the 80th anniversary of the founding of Cumann na nGaedheal EIGHTY years ago today, Cumann na nGaedheal (CnaG) had its inaugural public convention in the Mansion House. While the lack of a standard historiographical discussion may reflect editorial concerns over space, the omission is still disarming, and the book would have been substantially richer with more interaction with the existing historiography. In viewing the 1920s in the round, it is important to stress the success of Cumann na nGaedheal's democratic revolution - the establishment of a liberal democracy … Cumann na nGaedheal was the name of the antecedent nationalist umbrella organisation to Sinn Féin formed in 1900 (see Cumann na nGaedheal (1900)). The party brought stability following the chaos of the Irish Civil War, and provided honest government., and provided honest government. So the reader is left with the sudden transformation of Sinn Féiners into IPP-style nationalists, with little explanation of how this took place. 5. The record of its achievements, as cataloged in The Cosgrave Party, includes the preservation of Irish democracy, the promotion of Irish pride at home and abroad, the winning of Irish sovereignty through the Anglo-Irish Treaty, and the aggressive countering of Sinn Féin and Fianna Fáil in Free State elections. In comparison to Cumann na nGaedheal, Fianna Fáil had an elaborate election programme, designed to appeal to a wide section of the electorate. The party did move to the ‘right’ after 1927, although Meehan is not exactly clear what she means by this designation, at times equating this with the loss of the ‘Irish-Ireland’ faction from Cumann na nGaedheal, and at times While there is a connection between financial policy and the government’s social and moral agenda, that connection is not clearly stated in the text. References to secondary sources are scattered throughout the chapters, but generally without engagement with their methodologies or broader arguments. Cumann na nGaedheal’s convention opened at 11 a.m. and was attended by some four hundred delegates according to most press reports. Sinn Fein did better than expected but adopted the abstentionist policy. More historiographical discussion could have helped to undergird Meehan’s arguments about constitutional nationalism. Fáil did little to stop these attacks. Party rank-and-file, on the other hand, frequently complained that leaders ignored grass-roots input and concerns. Enter your email address to follow this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email. Cumann na nGaedheal regained most of the ground lost in June, winning 62 seats and 39% of the vote, although most of these gains were from potential allies. Consolidation of democracy, 1922-1949; Cultural identity; Cumann na nGaedheal governments, 1923-1932; Éamon de Valera; Fianna Fail Governments, 1932-1948; Northern Ireland; The Anglo-Irish treaty; Ireland topic 5: Politics and society in Northern Ireland. This is perhaps most obvious regarding Meehan’s claim that Cumann na nGaedheal continued the Irish tradition of constitutional or moderate nationalism. Meehan does not paper over Cumann na nGaedheal’s evident problems, but argues they were largely caused by the unusual circumstances surrounding its creation. 1! The social policy of the Cumann na nGaedheal Government was in line with it’s (its) economic policy. As a result, Meehan is left with the notion that Cosgrave remained in power simply for lack of a better alternative, which, while somewhat unsatisfying, is probably as good as explanation as anyone else has offered. In response to this act of violence, the state introduced a second Public Saf… Cumann na nGaedheal was the name of the antecedent nationalist umbrella organisation to Sinn Féin formed in 1900 (see Cumann na nGaedheal (1900)). Ciara Meehan’s The Cosgrave Party is the first monograph devoted solely to the Cumann na nGaedheal party, and as such is an important addition to the literature. Cosgrave was quiet and conservative. The Cumann na nGaedheal government of the Irish Free State spent their first decade in office establishing the workings of the state. By subscribing to this mailing list you will be subject to the School of Advanced Study privacy policy. There is a brief reference to how the ‘financial burden of destruction’ from the revolution and the civil war ‘compromised any possibility of making the lofty aspirations of Sinn Féin’s revolution a reality’, but that argument is never really developed (p. 8). Its novel focus on electioneering, in particular, should make this book noteworthy to historians of the Irish revolution, and to those interested in 20th-century Irish history more broadly. The Department of Local Government and Public Health was established in 1924, to attempt to reform the country’s public healthcare system. Updated December 2020 The Later Modern History course for the Leaving Cert is very broad, with a maximum of 12 possible topics to cover, each with multiple sub topics. It would have been helpful if Meehan had summed up the ‘image’ of Ireland that Cumann na nGaedheal wanted to present, as often these initiatives appear disconnected, but the book nevertheless highlights the broad range of nation-building activities sponsored by Cumann na nGaedheal. The title of the book neatly illustrates Meehan’s approach, as she portrays Cumann na nGaedheal as much more under the sway of Cosgrave than previously thought. She concludes that Cosgrave’s government ‘had achieved a strong and impressive record in international affairs’ (p. 157). Cumann na nGaedheal, which had been the governing party since 1922, was defeated by Fianna Fáil, which became the largest party in the chamber and formed a government with the support of the Labour Party. The following chapter explains what happened after 1932. Whilst Cumann na nGaedheal’s laissez-fair policies worked well in the context of the 1920s, the international Great Depression made Fianna Fáil’s protectionism all the more respectable. The Civil War had not yet ended and a large military contingent protected the ministers and deputies among the 150 delegates present. History Matters 365 - Coggle: Cumann na nGaedheal in power © 2020 History Matters 365 The exhibition was covered recently in the Irish Independent Below a small sample of whats on show. Sum, this is a well-done section analyzing Cosgrave ’ s focus on Cumann nGaedhael! 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